This study develops and validates a new tool, the Cyclists Motivation Instrument (CMI), and presents the initial psychometric properties (principal components analysis, confirmatory factor analysis). To our knowledge, this is one of the first instruments which incorporate social, cultural, economic and ecological factors associated with the motivation of an understudied sub-group of ‘serious-leisure’ cyclists. Cycling is the 4th most popular physical recreation activity for Australians aged 15 years or over, with a majority of these participants engaging in the activity in a non-organised capacity (90%) (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2007). Beyond these figures are an increasing number of ‘serious leisure’ cyclists, including a small proportion of competitive club cyclists, estimated at between 7000-10000 each weekend that travel along Melbourne’s most popular cycling venue, Beach Road, whose motivations for participating beyond the individual are not well understood (Burridge, et al., 2003; O’Connor and Brown, 2007). In one study, for example, examining participant reasons for serious-leisure cycling, where qualitative focus groups were employed eight themes emerged highlighting issues such as geographical, normative and identity spaces, emotional and social investment made by participants, the sense of movement, the freedom and flexibility, and cycling as a journey as reasons for engagement with this activity (O’Connor and Brown, 2005). The complexity and diverse nature of cultural, sub-cultural and ecological factors of participation across a range of intra-, inter-personal, social, and policy levels posits the use of an encompassing theory such as socio-ecological theory (Sallis et al., 2006; Sallis and Owen, 2002). Therefore we developed and began the validation process of the CMI utilising a socio-ecological theory to understand, uncover and explain such themes/factors. Additionally, results may also confirm themes/factors that have emerged in previous qualitative studies with samples of serious- leisure cyclists. Cycling has been reported to be fun and accessible form of activity (Telfer, 2003) that, as a moderate intensity physical activity, has been shown to decrease risk of mortality (Andersen, et al., 2000), improve cardiovascular performance (Hendriksen et al., 2000), lower cholesterol and risk of heart attack (Australian Department of Environmental Protection and Bike West, 1999) and produce favourable effects on body mass gain and waist circumference (Wagner et al., 2001). Additionally, cycling has been shown to have positive benefits on social interaction (O’Connor and Brown, 2007), mood and self-esteem (Garrard et al., 2007) and levels of depression and stress (Scully et al., 1999). ‘Serious leisure’ cyclists’ are fitness seeking enthusiasts that group together for weekly training rides and competition (O’Connor and Brown, 2007) and may be considered to be an informal, unstructured and to a lesser degree unorganised form of the sport (de Knop et al., 1996, Ravenscroft, 2004). They have been reported to spend an average of 4.2 hours competing as a cyclist during the previous 7 days and on average spend 13.2 hours per week in sport and active leisure activities, nearly four hours per week more than the national average of 9.3 hours per week (Sport and Recreation New Zealand, 2003). ‘Serious leisure’ according to Stebbins (1992, p. 3) is “the systematic pursuit of an amateur, hobbyist, or volunteer activity that is sufficiently substantial and interesting for the participant to find a career there in the acquisition and expression of its special skills and knowledge”. In line with the development of other ‘lifestyle’ or ‘new’ sports, such as windsurfing (Wheaton, 2000) or rock-climbing (Rienhart, 2000) that have emerged over the past two decades, ‘serious leisure’ cyclists’ shun the regimented and structured aspects of the sport choosing instead to assimilate with other like-minded individuals that self organize into bunches and ‘compete’ on public roads outside of the formal races held by sporting clubs. According to Tomlinson, and colleagues (2005) ‘lifestyle’/‘serious-leisure’ sports possess three central concepts namely they are: (i) ‘alternative’ (sports are practiced in different ways), (ii) ‘lifestyle’ oriented (meanings are related beyond interpersonal factors, such as competition) and (iii) ‘extreme’ (a label relating to differing forms of risk-taking such as performance in different spatial locations, different emotional responses, transgression of the normative social/sporting landscape, differing skill requirements and elements of danger/risk). As a result of the immense complexity in understanding ‘lifestyle’/‘serious-leisure’ cycling, we have drawn on theoretical literature from health behaviour (Sallis and Owen, 2002), in particular socio-ecological theory to understand these motivations in the initial development and validation of the CMI. Owen, et al., (2000) highlighted the importance of researchers and research to use specific ecological models and theories for specific types of behaviours performed in distinct settings. Such research looks beyond intra-personal influence (Markland and Hardy, 1993) such as motivation, beliefs and attitudes. According to Sallis et al., 2006: A socio-ecological frame encompassing the social environment (“Cycling in club/store clothes allows me to feel part of something”), the physical environment (“I cycle to get to and from places”) and policy environment (“I need to be a member of a cycling club to meet my needs”) was used in order to look at, and beyond intra-personal determinants of participation (Giles-Corti et al., 2005). There exists enormous diversity in the meanings and meaning-making qualities associated with how participants experience sport and movement (Brown, 2008; Seippel, 2006). ‘Serious-leisure’ cyclists attach different meanings to the act of cycling compared with commuter, recreational or family cyclists. As an example, serious-leisure cyclists attach significance and meaning to the social rituals, and identity formation (lycra-wearing, shaved leg, expensive equipment) that surround the pursuit. In contrast commuter cyclists are more likely to derive meaning from improving environmental quality and beating the congestion on their trips to work (Cox, 2005; Garrard et al., 2007). As Cox has highlighted it is necessary that such reasons and meanings are identified and evaluated in the differing sub-groups of cyclists and that results are utilised appropriately by policy makers concerned with programs, infrastructure and support provisions. As previous research has suggested motives for participating in cycling may also differ by the type of activity (for example, ‘serious leisure’ cycling vs. recreational cycling vs. commuting cycling). LaChausse, 2006 examined the motivations of 679 competitive, 428 non-competitive and 110 leisure cyclists using a modified version of the motives of marathoners scale (MOMS). Primary reasons for cycling across the sample were goal achievement and health concerns. Competitive cyclists were more likely than non- competitive cyclists to endorse goal achievement, competition and recognition as reasons for cycling. When all cyclists were aggregated male cyclists endorsed competition more than females, who in turn stated that weight concern, affiliation and self-esteem were important motives for cycling. In another study comparing 58 ‘serious leisure’ cyclists with 65 general fitness exercisers that examined competition and intrinsic motivation, sport competitiveness was significantly higher in bicycle racers. Multiple regression analysis was employed and found that sport competitiveness was correlated with intrinsic motivation, individuals with higher sport competitiveness possessed higher intrinsic motivation, for example the high-sport competitive exercise group was followed by high-sport competitive cyclist group then the low-sport competitive cyclist group and finally low- sport competitive exercise group (Frederick-Recascino and Schuster-Smith, 2003). Traditional motivations such as health/fitness, wellbeing, weight control may be identified as plausible reasons for engaging in both cycling and marathon running however, the added complexities of equipment, type of event (competitive marathon run vs. local café bunch ride), body shape and size, culture (shaved legs), sociality (Strong, 2005) provide additional constraining factors which warrant cycling specific study. In support, Masters, et al., (1993) wrote that for ongoing development of broader psychological theories it is important that contemporary sport specific instruments designed using select samples of participants will lead to sport specific findings. Additionally, the centrality of cycling as an event in the lives of participants as well as the impact to relationships, both positive and negative, with family/friends/work colleagues is plausibly another reason to examine participant motivations. Understanding these motivations are warranted and needed, as such knowledge can be used to develop and increase adherence to training programs, promote the activity of cycling in formal and informal environments and to improve the health and wellness of participants and valued others. Given that this subgroup of ‘serious leisure’ cyclists have a considerable presence on public roads (Medew, 2007; O’Connor and Brown, 2007; Oakes, 2007) and anecdotally invest heavily in the sport both through time and money, developing an appreciation about the underlying motivations/reasons for these cyclists may provide for a deeper understanding in promoting and catering for this form of activity given its many positive benefits. To our knowledge there is currently no instrument that has been developed which has specifically examined a range of influencing factors in this ‘serious-leisure’ subgroup of cyclists. The purpose of this study was to develop a quantitative instrument capable of identifying a range of factors that influenced motivation to engage in the ‘serious leisure’ sport of cycling. |